Secular Collectivity

Thursday, April 24, 2008

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Written by Michael Rothberg, Unit for Criticism

[This short piece was originally presented at the “Erich Auerbach and the Future of Criticism” conference on April 18, 2008 here at Illinois as part of a roundtable on “Auerbach and Edward Said.” The other panelists were Jed Esty and conference co-organizer Manuel Rota. The conference focused especially on the legacy of Auerbach’s great book Mimesis, which he wrote while in exile from Nazism in Istanbul. In American critical discourse, Edward Said’s many discussions and invocations of Auerbach and the circumstances of the writing of Mimesis have helped make the German-Jewish scholar a recurring topos for discussions of comparative and world literature.]

I am interested in how Said draws on Auerbach as a model for the intellectual and as a point of departure or Ansatzpunkt for issues of commitment and cultural legacy. In the relation between Said and Auerbach I see a series of tensions that remain unresolved: between the individual and the collective; between part and whole; between home and homelessness; between critique and affirmation; and ultimately between what, with a nod to Jean-Luc Nancy, I would call common being and being-in-common. At stake is the question of whether commitment and cultural legacy can be rethought from the grounds of being-in-common instead of common being—that is, from the grounds of a community without essence.

In a 1998 essay in Critical Inquiry, Aamir Mufti has most convincingly drawn out the implications for the discussion of Auerbach as an intellectual model for Said, and he refers, rightly, I think, to Said’s 1983 essay “Secular Criticism,” the introduction to The World, the Text, and the Critic. Mufti emphasizes “Auerbach in Istanbul” as Said’s privileged figure of the secular, minority, exiled intellectual. Since Emily Apter’s essay on Spitzer and Auerbach in Istanbul (now collected in The Translation Zone), the empirical picture of Auerbach’s exile has appeared more complicated—and I’m sure that Kader Konuk’s forthcoming work on the writing of Mimesis in Istanbul will give us the definitive account of this moment. My own concern here is less with the historical context of Auerbach’s exile, however, than with its significance for Said and its role in his argument for a secular criticism.

For Said, as Mufti, Bruce Robbins, and others remark, secularism as a critical ideal is not primarily the opposite of religiosity, but rather a skeptical stand toward all forms of nationalism, identity politics, and dogma. (I’ll return to the question of nationalism at the end of this post.) Here is how Said defines criticism:

On the one hand, the individual mind registers and is very much aware of the collective whole, context or situation in which it finds itself. On the other hand, precisely because of this awareness—a worldly self-situating, a sensitive response to the dominant culture—that the individual consciousness is not naturally and easily a mere child of the culture, but a historical and social actor in it. And because of that perspective, which introduces circumstance and distinction where there had only been conformity and belonging, there is distance, or what we might call criticism. A knowledge of history, a recognition of the importance of social circumstance, an analytical capacity for making distinctions: these trouble the quasi-religious authority of being comfortably at home among one’s people, supported by known powers and acceptable values, protected against the outside world. (The World, the Text 15-16)


But if distance and discomfort are central to Said’s conception of the intellectual, they alone do not constitute secular criticism for Said. The opposite, proximity, is also necessary. A few pages later, he writes, “Criticism in short is always situated; it is skeptical, secular, reflectively open to its own failings. . . . To stand between culture and system is therefore to stand close to—closeness itself having a particular value for me—a concrete reality about which political, moral, and social judgments have to me made and, if not only made, then exposed and demystified” (26). To be “situated” as a secular critic is to be both distant from and proximate to culture. Said captures this paradoxical situatedness in the figure of Auerbach’s tenuous exile at the edge of Europe, in Istanbul.

Said’s favorite figure of this situated, secular intellectual comes from the end of Auerbach’s essay on “Philology and Weltliteratur,” in which, after identifying “the earth” as the philologist’s home instead of the nation, Auerbach goes on to dispossess the critic of any claim to home. He famously cites what Said calls the “exilic credo” of Hugo of St. Victor: “The man who finds his homeland sweet is still a tender beginner; he to whom every soil is as his native one is already strong; but he is perfect to whom the entire world is a foreign land” (qtd. in The World, the Text 7). In Said’s multiple citations of this passage he makes Hugo a little less unhomely for his readers than he appears in Auerbach’s essay by citing him in English rather than Latin.

The minority intellectual who emerges from the chain of citations linking Hugo to Auerbach to Said is an incredibly compelling figure of engaged dissent or proximate distance, and Said’s summation of this position is all but irresistible: “criticism must think of itself as life-enhancing and constitutively opposed to every form of tyranny, domination, and abuse; its social goals are noncoercive knowledge produced in the interests of human freedom” (29). In a contribution to a special issue of boundary 2 (2004) on “critical secularism,” Stathis Gourgouris calls such secular criticism an “experimental” attitude and likens it to the genre of the essay, a reference to Adorno’s account of his own aleatory approach in “The Essay as Form” (Adorno is another key minority exile for Said).

But somewhere around here I start to worry about the absolutely anti-systemic tendency of the account of criticism that Said takes, in part, from the model of Auerbach. Auerbach becomes the occasion for Said’s refusal to affiliate with any theoretical movement or critical ideology: he writes that “criticism modified in advance by labels like ‘Marxism’ or ‘liberalism’ is, in my view, an oxymoron” (SC 28). I have two questions about Said’s refusal of system, method, school, and theory and they both turn on questions of collectivity:

First, does Said’s refusal of system risk becoming a methodological individualism? For me, this would be one of the real limits of the figure of Auerbach in Istanbul: it’s a heroic, or perhaps melancholic, but in any case individualist model of the exile, even if the intellectual project involves the reconstruction of various cultural totalities through the synecdochal model of beginning from textual fragments.

Second, does the combination of the secular critique of identity with a methodologically individualist skepticism of system risk writing out the collective energies that theory can represent and that are encoded in the texts of “religiosity,” broadly conceived? Is ideology not a necessary component of political movement and collectivity? The negative critique of secular criticism needs supplementation by the kind of recognition Fredric Jameson offers in the too-little discussed final chapter of The Political Unconscious, which takes up “The Dialectic of Utopia and Ideology.” Jameson provocatively suggests that “all class consciousness—or in other words, all ideology in the strongest sense, including the most exclusive forms of ruling-class consciousness just as much as that of oppositional or oppressed classes—is in its very nature Utopian. . . . insofar as it expresses the unity of a collectivity. The achieved collectivity or organic group of whatever kind—oppressors fully as much as oppressed—is Utopian in itself, but only insofar as all such collectivities are themselves figures for the ultimate concrete collective life of an achieved Utopian or classless society” (PU 289, 291). No doubt, we can hear in Jameson’s use of “figure” in this passage an echo of his teacher Auerbach’s thought, and particularly of the notion of “figural realism” in which the representation of the everyday here and now connects vertically to another realm, here secularized as classless society. While I have some questions about the residually Christian framework of even this secularized model of figuration, I also think it would be worth exploring how Jameson’s insights might provide a way of thinking about the Eurocentric canon represented in Mimesis as a utopian figuration anticipating an even more worldly collectivity—as I believe Said would want us to see it as well.

My questions for Said and Auerbach, then, are these: How do we get from criticism back to collectivity? Can we imagine moving from minority critique to something that we might not want to call majority but that is also not simply oppositional? Is it possible to imagine not just secular criticism but secular collectivity, a being-in-common that does not presuppose common being?

Postscript

After I gave the talk posted above I read Robert Warrior’s fascinating essay “Native Critics in the World: Edward Said and Nationalism,” his contribution to the 2006 collectively authored book American Indian Literary Nationalism (written with Jace Weaver and Craig S. Womack). Drawing on his own experiences studying with Said, Warrior makes a compelling case that one can be—and indeed that Said was—both a secular critic and a nationalist, and he makes a provocative allusion to the figure of Auerbach in Istanbul:

Said’s articles were included in the one box of research papers and two boxes of books that I mailed to myself when I moved to Pawhuska on the Osage Reservation to draft my dissertation in the spring of 1990. I can . . . remember comparing what I was doing to Said’s description . . . of the impact of exile on Erich Auerbach’s Mimesis.
In his monumental study of western literature, Auerbach describes the difficulty of composing so ambitious a book after having fled from Nazi Europe to Istanbul, a great city, but one with no library to support such an effort. In moving to Pawhuska, I was the opposite of an exile, someone returning home to do what Taiaiake Alfred would later advocate for Native American Studies, that it come from ‘someplace Indian.’ . . . Thinking in Pawhuska of Auerbach in Istanbul and the importance of that to Said’s self-conception of exile in his life of criticism, I thought of the ironies of how I had come home to the national capital of the Osages only to be reminded of the underdeveloped nature of our life as a nation without, among other things, a library. . . . Reading and rereading The World, the Text, and the Critic as I worked in Pawhuska helped me to learn one of the enduring lessons I took from my work with Edward Said. That was the idea that it is possible to be a critic, a nationalist, a cosmopolitan, and a humanist all at the same time. (191-92)


Although my own project is not a nationalist one, Warrior’s vision of “Native nationalism,” inspired in part by Said, is one that sounds very much like the secular collectivity I call for above—it involves, among other things, a community open to negotiation with internal and external difference. Perhaps most inspiring to me, though, is the fascinating itinerary that is traced here: from the German-Jewish exile in the Islamic world, to the Palestinian Christian based in New York (one of the great “Jewish” cities of the world!), to the cosmopolitan Osage nationalist and critic.

Kader Konuk’s work on Auerbach in Istanbul demonstrates that Auerbach was not the isolated figure there that he is often made out to be; rather he was part of a lively, modern, secularizing, conflicted society that was also host to a large community of refugees. A new vision of the multiply affiliated intellectual that emerges from Auerbach, Said, Konuk, and Warrior seems like a good Ansatzpunkt for thinking further about the possibility of secular collectivity.
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All About The West

Tuesday, March 11, 2008

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Written by Michael Rothberg, Director of the Unit for Criticism

My primary hope for Kritik has been that it would provoke a new forum for discussion among people in and beyond Illinois about the important theoretical, political, and cultural issues that we face. With that goal in mind, I’m very pleased about the thoughtful and substantive responses we received after my last post on the persistence of a discourse of “the West” among critical intellectuals. I’d like to try to continue the discussion by engaging with those remarks from the comments section. (Incidentally, the easiest way for those of you who, like me, are not registered with Blogger to contribute comments is to click on the button that says “Name/URL” and simply enter your own name before writing up your comment.)

The starting point for my piece “Against the West?” was the observation that a discourse of “the West” is ubiquitous despite decades of poststructuralist-fueled skepticism about such abstractions and despite a marked tendency toward localism and particularism in many fields in the humanities and social sciences. There seems to be agreement among the respondents that a discourse of “the West” is widespread—at least in certain contexts. As Keguro writes, the notion of the West “is everywhere,” especially in contemporary “mainstream” journalism. Although coming at things from a different angle, Emanuel seems to second this point about the mainstream; he writes that “the use of the ‘west’ under critique in Michael's post is the one prevalent in American newspapers and tv news, perhaps a reflection of American political theory . . . rather than a persistent philosophical term.” As Emanuel also points out, however, the “West” in Derrida’s “Western metaphysics” (one of the examples I gave last time) is really the “Occident”—as in, “la métaphysique occidentale”—a term with a different etymology, genealogy, and contemporary significance. Emanuel’s comment is an important reminder that the discourse under discussion here works differently in non-English-language contexts—though my hunch is that “l’Occident,” “das Abendland,” and other linguistic variants play similar roles to “the West” in Europe today despite their different genealogies. Observers of other “Western” contexts should feel free to check in on this.

I agree with Keguro and Manuel that “the West” pervades, among other things, the language of the US media. I don’t think, however, that this is simply a media discourse; rather, it is also omnipresent among English-language critical thinkers and theorists. As I mentioned in my original post, it is particularly that persistence that troubles me. For me, at least, the question remains how to address that omnipresence. Like Keguro, I also think it’s urgent that we figure this out—but I don’t take it for granted that the wide circulation of a popular discourse requires that we remain within its terms. Perhaps, as Bruce joins Keguro in implying, and as Derrida dedicated many words to demonstrating, it isn’t so easy to get away from “the West” after all. I’d admit that, but still urge us to think twice before repeating the terms of mainstream discourses. Indeed, here I think Derrida can be methodologically helpful in prompting us to try to pry the discourse free from its dominant terms, while also remaining aware of our inevitable complicity in dominant structures. To clarify: I’m not against all generalizations, but I’m still not convinced that the East/West binary provides our best purchase on the urgent matters that we confront—even if those matters appear dressed up in that geo-ideological guise.

What are other possibilities for mapping the contemporary or historical terrain? Both Martha and Sharif bring up an alternative figure of the contemporary critical imagination; the North/South divide. Martha is right that in the post-Cold War world, this way of dividing the globe has started to appear alongside the more familiar Occident/Orient coding. As Martha guesses, I’m ambivalent about this turn. Let me register a couple of observations about this matter. First, it seems to me that the North/South opposition appears almost uniquely in the discourse of what I’d still like to call the Left—while West/East is strikingly promiscuous in terms of political orientation. (The relevance of “orientation” to this discussion reminds me of the important work of Sara Ahmed, the University of London theorist and author of Queer Phenomenology with whom we were lucky enough to have a seminar last week.) To me, the political clarity of North/South is a plus—that is, it has a polemical bite that is less ambiguous than West/East. Why? Because—and this is the second point—North/South describes material inequities first and foremost rather than inevitably invoking cultural and religious differences. (I suspect there will be some disagreement about this last point from those working on “the South,” but I would maintain at least tentatively that North/South is relatively less overdetermined by pernicious discourses of cultural difference and more “oriented” toward the uneven, capitalist world-system.)

Nevertheless, I’d say once again that even this revised geo-imaginary starts to break down once we consider Sharif’s pertinent point that “immigration and displacement” have created an undeniable “proximity” of the West and non-West as of the North and South. It is key that we emphasize, as Sharif does, that displacement joins migration in fostering this proximity, since that former term better captures both the ever-powerful legacies of slavery and the ongoing colonization of indigenous peoples than does the also-crucial focus on migration (in the US as in many other places). (I also like Sharif’s citation of Bhabha’s “yes-but” logic—I do feel close to that way of thinking, even as I’d want to submit Bhabha’s own thought to such a dialectical critique!)

Here we may seem to be heading back to the very problem that stimulated this line of thought for me in the first place: Matti Bunzl’s critique of anthropologists’ propensity toward “Borgesian maps” and over-particularization. In short, I agree with Matti that we need maps and that maps require generalization, abstraction, and even a degree of reification. Such a requirement entails that the vision of proximity, overlap, and non-segregation that Sharif points us toward still has to be mappable. To pick up on Joe’s comments, and shift from a spatial metaphor toward a simultaneously spatial and temporal one, I’d say that we need narrativity even if we remain skeptical towards meta- or grand-narrativity. Joe asks us to consider that, despite our “incredulity toward metanarratives” (Lyotard, Postmodern Condition, xxiv), we may still rely on their negative example to ground our own alternatives, and he asks what our theories would look like if we broke from these metanarratives. I think this is exactly the right question and provides a description of the difficult but necessary task that I’m proposing we consider. The problem with the “meta-“ or “grand” narrative is not its narrativity—the way it helps give spatio-temporal order to our thought (something I don’t think we can do without)—but with the “supplement” that the prefix or qualifier (meta-, grand) supplies. The West (and also the Occident) is a grand narrative that seeks to orient all stories around a single axis—it is “heliocentric,” to use one of Derrida’s terms from “White Mythologies,” a text brought to mind by Bruce’s and Emanuel’s comments.

At the opposite pole from metanarratives would be something we might call “stories,” by which I mean the kind of small scale, local tale recommended by Lila Abu-Lughod: “what life is like for one old Bedouin matriarch” (qtd. in Bunzl 5). But stories are still written in the shadows of the master narratives, it seems to me. Abu-Lughod’s recommendation, for instance, comes in response to the metanarrative of “culture” that she sees as grounding anthropology in its phase of complicity with colonialism. What I’m wondering is whether we can imagine maps and narratives that succumb neither to the hubris of the “meta-“ nor to the potentially reactionary domain of the local. (Why equate the local with the potentially reactionary? Just think of states’ rights discourse in the US.) Neither meta nor local, this would be—to respond to Bruce’s equation of “the West” with historicity itself—“another” historicity.

But here my discussion is getting more abstract than I’d want it to. So I’ll conclude by rephrasing what I still think are the key questions: Do we really lose anything by avoiding the geologeme, “the West”? If so, what? Does our focus on the West ultimately reference anything other than the self-referential discourse of the West itself? Are there other such terms in critical theory that we might want to learn to do without?
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Against the West?

Tuesday, March 4, 2008

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Written by Michael Rothberg, Director of the Unit for Criticism

For some time I’ve been musing about a particular semantic, conceptual, and political matter: the persistent and frequently unreflexive use of the concept of “the West”—and the not-quite-as-frequent use of its correlate, “the non-West”—by cultural critics and theorists as well as just about everyone else. This usage is so omnipresent I don’t think it’s even necessary to cite an example—in recent reading I’ve encountered it in Derrida’s critique of “Western Metaphysics,” in Spivak’s critique of “Western intellectuals” in “Can the Subaltern Speak?,” and in the sociologist Jeffrey Alexander’s work on “cultural trauma and collective identity” in both “Western” and “non-Western” contexts. What is surprising about this persistence of “the West” as a category of critical analysis is that we all know better—precisely because we’ve spent the last three decades deconstructing just such abstractions, whether they be “the Orient,” “race,” or what have you. But of all these terms “the West” seems to have a special staying power. When it comes to the West, we’re all fetishists: We know very well the West doesn’t exit, but all the same…

What is “the West” and why would we want to evoke this highly ideological and Eurocentric concept? I mean this question quite seriously. I should say that I’m less concerned by the celebratory use of the concept—usually a conservative platitude about the superiority of “our” way of life—than I am by its deployment among critical, Left intellectuals who are generally “against the West.” Shouldn’t we be worried that we’re reproducing the very terms of conservative hegemony even as we attempt to deconstruct it? Not only is the referent of “the West” highly elusive, I would argue, but use of the concept ends up confirming the racialized framework it seeks to mark and displace. As Naoki Sakai puts it in his essay “The West—A Dialogic Prescription or a Proscription?,” “the West is [n]either a geographic territory with an affiliated population, [n]or a unified cultural and social formation. It remains always a putative unity; its unity is preordained regardless of its inherent fragmentation and dispersal. It is in fact a mythic unity” (Social Identities 11.3 (2005): 180). My argument here is not with all generalizations (as I will make clear in a moment), but with the usefulness of this particular one. I would guess that many critical intellectuals and activists see “the West” as a practical shorthand for real-world, unequal power relations. Such inequalities most certainly exist, but are they best described by the West/non-West binary? I believe we should resist using this particular set of generalizations and seek other terms, for, as Sakai continues, “the West-and-the-Rest distinction can never be free of the aura of racism” (191).

I see this phenomenon—excessive reliance on an ideological, geo-cultural shorthand I’m tempted to call a “geologeme”—as the flip side of a problem diagnosed by our colleague in the Unit for Criticism, Matti Bunzl. In an essay that was first given as a Unit colloquium in fall 2005, Bunzl provides a provocative critique of the “postmodern turn” in anthropology. Scheduled to be published this month (March 2008) in the journal American Anthropologist, Bunzl’s essay targets the hyperbolic particularism of contemporary anthropology—its refusal of all generalizations and its valorization instead of the local, the complex, and the heterogeneous. In a move that clearly distresses Bunzl, anthropologists have turned against the category that once defined their discipline: culture. In recent anthropology, “culture” stands accused of essentialism, over-abstraction, and reification of difference. In one of his most striking examples, Bunzl cites a well-known essay called “Writing against Culture” by the celebrated anthropologist Lila Abu-Lughod. As Bunzl writes, citing Abu-Lughod, “When Abu-Lughod urged anthropologists to ‘write against culture,’ she suggested a particular specification of discourse, namely to replace ‘the term “Bedouin culture”’ with attention to ‘what life is like for one old Bedouin matriarch’” (Bunzl 5). Bunzl describes this turn toward hyper-specificity as an ironic resurgence of positivism in an otherwise thoroughly postmodern and postcolonial field, and he likens it to Borges’s famous story about cartographers who created “a Map of the Empire whose size was that of the Empire, and which coincided point for point with it” (Borges, “On Exactitude in Science,” qtd. in Bunzl 5). Such a drive for exactitude, as evidenced by Abu-Lughod and as satirized by Borges, strikes Bunzl as intellectually and politically dubious. Borgesian cartography can neither supply useful knowledge nor orient political practice; it is precisely too particular, too . . . precise. In place of the particular, Bunzl ends with a call for a “middle ground” of generalization that he thinks will be epistemologically and politically more powerful than the refusal of culture he sees everywhere in his discipline.

I am not in a position to know how “precise” Bunzl’s cartography of contemporary anthropology is—surely it is going to provoke much controversy and it has already attracted a response from two of its targets, Catherine Besteman and Hugh Gusterson, which will accompany the publication of Bunzl’s essay in American Anthropologist. I do believe, however, that Bunzl has identified an important tendency that cuts across fields in the humanities and interpretive social sciences. Such localism can be found just as readily in literary and interdisciplinary cultural studies as in anthropology, and I’m happy to join Bunzl in the call for a “strategic generalization.” (I’m less certain about another central aspect of Bunzl’s argument—his assertion that the turn toward complexity and the particular helps explain anthropology’s absence from the public sphere and public debate—but I’ll leave that issue aside for the moment.)

What Bunzl doesn’t say, however, is that the kind of positivist drive he finds among his colleagues pertains most dramatically to accounts of the “non-Western” world, while “the West” tends to retain its terminologically monolithic aura, even among many of the same scholars. There may well be good reasons for this differential. Imperialism, after all, did extensive “epistemic violence” (to use Spivak’s apt term) to much of the globe, and a good part of that violence came in the form of imposed categories of thought and naming that erased or wrote over local conditions. There is a need to reclaim that overwritten terrain—in discourse as well as in national political sovereignty. That need helps, at least in part, to explain the turn to the local that Bunzl laments, and suggests that it has been a necessary step within anthropology and cultural criticism.

But that context doesn’t necessarily explain the persistence of generalization on the other, “Western” side of the divide—or not, at least, to my satisfaction. For if imperialism is the problem that led to an asymmetrical overgeneralization on one side and particularistic nominalism on the other, why don’t we say as much? The “West” often seems to stand for just this—the imperialist powers. Before 1989 it also played a plausible metaphorical role in the geo-political opposition between the capitalist democracies and the Soviet bloc. But the problem is that it can just as easily stand for other, more dubious abstractions of the kind many of us have been committed to questioning—the “Judeo-Christian tradition” or the supposedly homogenous cultural and philosophical legacy that traces itself back to the Greeks. Or for Europe and America. Or Europe and America and Australia—in other words, for countries whose dominant political classes and (for the moment at least) majority populations identify their heritage in (some notion of) Europe. There are legitimate reasons for referring to these different entities in particular discursive or political contexts. But if they can be described more substantively than with the geologeme “the West,” why not do so?

Ultimately, that is my main terminological challenge to the purveyors of “the West.” If the term has any consistent meaning, such as imperialism or Christianity or whiteness or European-derived culture, why not just say so? And if the term doesn’t have such a meaning, why not put it to rest, once and for all? I’m curious to hear where people come down on this question; I’m open to persuasion that I’m going in the wrong direction.
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